Ø Of the about 30 countries Narendra Modi has visited as Prime
Minister, he has addressed big public rallies in seven. Yet, none can compare
with the scale of London’s Wembley event, where an estimated 50,000
non-resident Indians (NRIs) and other Indians braved the cold to listen to him
speak during his visit last week to the United Kingdom. And when he did, the
crowds cheered with delight as he invoked the common threads between the two
countries, neatly sidestepping the issue of British colonialism in India and
instead referring to a “shared history” and values in which 1.5 million British
Indians play a vital part. The fact that Prime Minister David Cameron gave the
introductory speech for him, making jibes on behalf of Mr. Modi against those
who said a “tea-seller would never be PM”, and ignoring protests in London as
well as severe criticism of Mr. Modi in British newspapers, is a testament to
the deep bond the two men have come to share. Yet, personal equations between
leaders and community bonds with the diaspora can only be the means to a better
bilateral relationship, and cannot actually supplant the relationship. Despite
three visits by Mr. Cameron to India in the past five years, the U.K.’s and
India’s shares in each other’s exports, both goods and services, have steadily
declined, and bilateral trade at $14 billion falls far short of their
$30-billion goal announced in 2010. It is here that Prime Minister Modi’s visit
to the U.K. had drawn the highest expectations, and fell short, as serious
issues over trade, taxes and visas that have put a considerable strain on the
economic relationship remain. While there were the right noises on policies,
there was little to show that the problems of easing business regulations for
British companies, and relaxing immigration and visa norms for Indian
companies, professionals and students, have been resolved. The two sides made
little visible progress on strategic and defence issues, no mention was made of
the big-ticket defence deals that had been spoken of prior to the visit. And
the civil nuclear agreement announced is only the natural conclusion of the
treaty declared in 2010, and on which negotiations were launched in 2014.
Perhaps the biggest takeaway from the joint statements came from the enhanced
language on fighting terror groups, naming the LeT and Hizbul Mujahideen for
the first time, jointly pushing for the UN comprehensive convention on
international terrorism (CCIT), and strengthening strategic cooperation and
intelligence-sharing through annual consultations. Reports of Mr. Modi raising
the issue of groups that exist in the U.K. and foment separatism in Jammu and
Kashmir and Punjab are significant in this context. Given that the horrific
attacks in Paris took place during his visit to the U.K., it is to be hoped
that a more consistent and cooperative framework for dealing with terrorism
will emerge to strengthen India-U.K. ties on a substantive level, beyond the
warmth of their historically induced closeness.
Ø India announced on Sunday that the procedures
for a civil nuclear agreement with Australia for supply of uranium from it had
been completed following a bilateral meeting between Prime Minister Narendra
Modi and his counterpart, Malcolm Turnbull, on the sidelines of the G-20 Summit.
External Affairs Ministry spokesman Vikas Swarup tweeted that the two Prime
Ministers had announced the completion of the procedures. No official statement
from Australia was immediately available. Australia has about a third of
world’s recoverable uranium resources and exports nearly 7,000 tonnes of it a
year. Following the conclusion of the agreement, India will be the first
country to buy Australian uranium without being a signatory to the Nuclear
Non-proliferation Treaty.
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